By Timothy J. Lynch
In the direction of the top of his moment time period, it sounds as if George W. Bush's overseas coverage has received few admirers, with pundits and politicians eagerly and opportunistically bashing the tenets of the Bush Doctrine. This provocative account dares to counter the dogma of Bush's Beltway detractors and his ideological enemies, boldly arguing that Bush's coverage deservedly belongs in the mainstream of the yankee overseas coverage culture. even though the transferring tide of public opinion has led many to expect that his successor will repudiate the activities of the earlier 8 years, authors Timothy Lynch and Robert S. Singh recommend that there will-and should-be continuity in US overseas coverage from his Presidency to those that keep on with. delivering a favorable audit of the struggle on terror (which they contend may be understood as a moment chilly struggle) they cost that the Bush Doctrine has been in step with earlier international policies-from Republican and Democratic presidencies-and that the main parts of Bush's grand approach will rightly proceed to form America's strategy sooner or later. certainly, they expect that his successors will pursue the conflict opposed to Islamist terror with related commitment.
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Extra resources for After Bush: The Case for Continuity in American Foreign Policy
Imperialisms of any sort, said Williams, always invite a counterresponse. 79 Rather than offering an exhaustive critique of each we cite them collectively in support of our conception of the American foreign policy tradition as substantially materialistic in its means and aims. The pragmatism of the tradition has had a remarkably positive impact on the coherence and utility of US strategy over time. The aspirational 36 After Bush ideology that animates American foreign policy causes it to be necessarily sensitive to, and robust in the face of, ideological opponents.
Fifty? One hundred and fifty? 87 Consistent with the purported moral sanctity of multilateralism is the belief that it is more effective practically than the unilateralism of any one state. This is open to dispute on a number of fronts. If anything, the lesson of post-1991 international crises is that if the US government does not act the EU is unlikely to so do. US ambivalence over the Rwandan genocide (1994) goes some way to explaining – even if it does not excuse – European inaction. 89 In questioning the utility of multilateralism, the Bush administration has met with both praise and blame.
To conduct a discrete North American experiment in the capacity of people for self-government would be to deny the experiment’s universal applicability. Amoral foreign policies do not sit well in the US tradition and tend to have a short shelf life – observe Kissinger’s détente. Moral campaigns, on the other hand, stick. For this reason Bush’s war on terror is better understood as falling squarely within, and extending, the US foreign policy tradition. So, too, is the constitutional propriety of the war Bush joined, a subject to which we turn in the next chapter.
After Bush: The Case for Continuity in American Foreign Policy by Timothy J. Lynch